ABSTRACT: This article explores the role of colonial racism in the Rwandan genocide, analyzing how European colonial powers, particularly Belgium, contributed to the ethnic divisions that led to the mass extermination of the Tutsi population in 1994. It combines historical and legal analysis, focusing on the implementation of racial categories through colonial policies such as the introduction of identity cards and the preferential treatment of the Tutsi minority. These actions institutionalized divisions between Hutu and Tutsi, fostering long-term resentment. The study draws on findings from the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), which recognized the colonial origins of these ethnic divisions. The article argues that colonialism laid the foundation for the systematic violence that culminated in genocide, emphasizing the role of legal frameworks in addressing the historical legacy of colonialism. The conclusion calls for a deeper understanding of how colonialism contributed to the genocide and urges continued accountability for both perpetrators and the historical forces that enabled such atrocities.
SUMMARY: Introduction – 1. Understanding Racism: Origins and Applications in the Colonial Context – 2. Historical Context – 2.1 Colonial Rule and Ethnic Division – 2.2 Pre-Colonial Rwanda: Fluid Social Structures – 2.3 Colonial Reconfiguration: The Belgian Role – 2.4 Post-Independence Dynamics – 3. Legal Framework and Analysis – 4. The Role of Colonial Racism – Conclusion – References
Introduction
The Rwandan genocide of 1994 remains one of the most horrific crimes against humanity in contemporary history, where the targeted extermination of the Tutsi population highlighted the tragic effects of deep ethnic divisions. While many studies have explored the political, social, and international factors leading to the genocide, fewer have fully examined the role of colonial powers, particularly Belgium, in fostering these divisions. This article addresses this gap by analyzing the historical and legal context of the genocide, focusing on the pivotal role colonial racism played in the systematic division and dehumanization of Rwandan society.
European colonial powers, especially Belgium, reshaped Rwandan society by imposing rigid ethnic categories and reinforcing the idea of racial superiority. These practices were rooted in pseudoscientific racial theories that classified populations hierarchically, with devastating long-term consequences. Belgium’s preferential treatment of the Tutsi minority, based on their perceived physical resemblance to Europeans, not only entrenched ethnic divides but also sowed the seeds of resentment among the Hutu majority. The introduction of identity cards in the 1930s marked the institutionalization of these divisions, setting the stage for the violent conflict that would unfold decades later.
Through a legal and historical analysis, this article emphasizes how colonialism laid the groundwork for the 1994 genocide. It highlights the findings of the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), which recognized the colonial origins of the ethnic categorization that fueled the violence. The article aims to contribute to a deeper understanding of the colonial legacy, revealing the ways in which systemic racism and ethnic division were not only the product of political dynamics but also the result of deliberate colonial policies. This study provides critical insights into the historical underpinnings of the genocide, advancing the discourse on accountability for both perpetrators and the historical forces that enabled such atrocities.
1. Understanding Racism: Origins and Applications in the Colonial Context
Racism, as a social construct, emerged in Europe during the early modern period, primarily as a means of justifying colonial expansion and the exploitation of non-European peoples. The pseudoscientific theories of race that gained prominence in the 18th and 19th centuries sought to classify human populations hierarchically, attributing intellectual and moral superiority to Europeans while dehumanizing others. These ideas were rooted in Enlightenment-era beliefs that emphasized categorization and biological determinism.[1]
In the colonial context, racism functioned as a tool of governance and control, legitimizing the subjugation and exploitation of colonized populations. The colonial administrations systematically institutionalized racial hierarchies, using policies and practices designed to entrench divisions and maintain European dominance. Scholars such as Frantz Fanon[2] and Edward Said[3] have extensively analyzed how racism was deployed to sustain colonial power structures.[4]
In Rwanda, these theories were adapted and operationalized by European colonizers, specifically through policies that racialized socio-economic distinctions and imposed rigid ethnic categories. The Belgian colonial administration’s introduction of identity cards and preferential treatment of the Tutsi minority exemplify the practical application of racist ideologies in the colonial project.[5]
2. Historical Context
2.1 Colonial Rule and Ethnic Division
Rwanda, a small and densely populated nation in the Great Lakes region of Africa, was initially colonized by Germany in 1897 and later transferred to Belgian administration following Germany’s defeat in World War I. Both colonial powers implemented policies
that fundamentally reshaped Rwandan society, instituting artificial and rigid ethnic divisions among the Hutu, Tutsi and Twa populations.[6]
2.2 Pre-Colonial Rwanda: Fluid Social Structures
Prior to colonization, the terms “Hutu” and “Tutsi” referred more to socio-economic status than distinct ethnic groups. These classifications were fluid, allowing individuals to transition between categories through wealth acquisition, marriage or other social changes. This system, though hierarchical, lacked the rigid, racialized character imposed during colonial rule.[7]
2.3 Colonial Reconfiguration: The Belgian Role
Belgium’s colonial administration crystallized these fluid identities into immutable ethnic categories. Historical evidence, such as René Lemarchand’s Rwanda and Burundi[8], underscores this transformation, documenting how colonial policies redefined social dynamics into rigid ethnic distinctions. Furthermore, archival materials from Belgian administrative records reveal deliberate strategies to classify Rwandans based on pseudo- scientific racial theories, reinforcing societal divisions.[9]
In the 1930s, Belgian authorities introduced mandatory identity cards that classified Rwandans as Hutu, Tutsi or Twa based on pseudo-scientific racial theories. The Belgians favored the Tutsi, whom they considered racially superior due to their physical resemblance to Europeans.[10]
This preferential treatment extended to education, administrative appointments and economic opportunities, entrenching resentment among the Hutu majority.[11]
The systemic discrimination fostered by the Belgian colonial government created a deeply polarized society. This polarization is extensively documented in academic analyses, such as René Lemarchand’s Rwanda and Burundi[12], which details the Belgian administration’s role in institutionalizing ethnic hierarchies. Additionally, tribunal findings from the ICTR emphasize that the introduction of identity cards in the 1930s cemented these divisions, laying a foundation for long-term societal fragmentation.[13]
2.4 Post-Independence Dynamics
Rwanda gained independence in 1962, but the colonial legacy of ethnic division persisted. The Belgian authorities, sensing a threat to their interests from the Tutsi elite’s push for independence, shifted their support to the Hutu majority in the late 1950s. This political
realignment led to the 1959 revolution, during which thousands of Tutsi were killed, and many more fled to neighboring countries. Post-independence governments, dominated by the Hutu majority, continued to exploit the colonial-imposed ethnic framework, further marginalizing the Tutsi population.[14]
3. Legal Framework and Analysis
The 1994 genocide targeted the Tutsi population with the explicit intent to destroy the group in whole or in part, constituting a crime of genocide under the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The ICTR’s findings highlighted the deliberate and systematic nature of the violence, emphasizing that “the massacres […] had a specific objective, namely; the extermination of the Tutsi who were targeted especially because of their Tutsi origin.”[15]
The ICTR also recognized the colonial origins of the ethnic divisions that underpinned the genocide. As the Chamber noted, the categorization of Hutu, Tutsi and Twa as distinct ethnic groups was largely a colonial construct. The Belgians’ introduction of identity cards institutionalized these divisions, creating a societal framework that legitimized discrimination and, eventually, mass violence.[16]
4. The Role of Colonial Racism
Colonial racism played a pivotal role in the Rwandan genocide by:
- Institutionalizing Ethnic Divisions: The imposition of fixed ethnic categories by Belgian authorities eradicated the fluidity of pre-colonial social structures, creating a rigid hierarchy that bred resentment and conflict. Academic analyses, such as Mamdani’s When Victims Become Killers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda[17], highlight how these imposed divisions laid the groundwork for systematic violence;
- Fostering Resentment: Preferential treatment of the Tutsi during the colonial period alienated the Hutu majority, planting the seeds of future retaliation;[18]
- Perpetuating Division Post-Independence: The continuation of colonial-era identity cards and ethnic classifications by post-independence governments entrenched divisions and legitimized exclusionary policies.[19]
The ICTR’s acknowledgment of colonialism’s role is significant, as it situates the genocide within a broader historical framework of systemic oppression and racial discrimination.[20] As stated in the tribunal’s judgment, “this tragedy in Rwanda has its basis in colonialism.”[21]
Conclusion
The Rwandan genocide was not an isolated eruption of ethnic hatred but the culmination of decades of colonial-imposed racism and division. European colonial powers, particularly Belgium, bear significant responsibility for creating the conditions that made such atrocities possible. By institutionalizing ethnic divisions and perpetuating discriminatory practices, colonial administrations sowed the seeds of resentment and violence that ultimately led to genocide. As historical analyses highlight, such as Mamdani’s When Victims Become Killers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda[22], colonial policies systematically embedded racial hierarchies that exacerbated ethnic tensions, while legal studies, including ICTR findings[23], underscore the direct connection between these colonial practices and the eventual atrocities.[24]
This historical and legal analysis underscores the need for a deeper reckoning with the colonial legacy in understanding and addressing mass atrocities. As the ICTR aptly concluded, crimes against humanity and genocide are “particularly shocking to the human conscience”[25] and demand accountability not only for the perpetrators but also for the historical forces that enabled such crimes.[26]
[1] ARENDT Hannah, The Origins of Totalitarianism, Harcourt, 1973, pp. 158-160
[2] FANON Frantz, Black Skin, White Masks, Grove Press, 1952.
[3] SAID Edward W., Orientalism, Pantheon Books, New York, 1978.
[4] FANON Frantz, Black Skin, White Masks, Grove Press, 1952, Chapter 1.
[5] GOULD Stephen Jay, The Mismeasure of Man, W. W. Norton & Company, 1981, pp. 50-57.
[6] LEMARCHAND René, Rwanda and Burundi, Praeger, 1970, pp. 12-50.
[7] MAMDANI Mahmood, When Victims Become Killers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda, Princeton University Press, 2001, pp. 24-82.
[8] LEMARCHAND René., Rwanda and Burundi, Praeger, 1970, pp. 12-15.
[9] PRUNIER Gérard, The Rwanda Crisis: Hisory of a Genocide, Columbia University Press, 1995, pp. 42-65
[10] International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), Case No. ICTR-96-4-T, Judgment, 2 September 1998, § 82.
[11] SAID Edward W., Orientalism, Pantheon Books, New York, 1978, pp. 25-45.
[12] LEMARCHAND René, Rwanda and Burundi, Praeger, 1970, pp. 45-50.
[13] VANSINA Jan, Antecedents to Modern Rwanda: The Nyiginya Kingdom, University of Wisconsin Press, 1985, pp. 50-70.
[14] DES FORGES Alison, Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda, Human Rights Watch, 1999, pp. 1-50.
[15] CHRÉTIEN Jean Pierre, The Great Lakes of Africa: Two Thousand Years of History, Zone Books, 2003, pp. 315-360.
[16] International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), Case No. ICTR-96-4-T, Judgment and Sentence, 2 September 1998, § 453-570.
[17] MAMDANI Mahmood, When Victims Become Killers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda, Princeton University Press, 2001, pp. 24-31.
[18] United Nations, Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, 1948, art. 2.
[19] LEMARCHAND René, Rwanda and Burundi, Praeger, 1970, pp. 45-50.
[20] MAMDANI Mahmood, When Victims Become Killers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda, Princeton University Press, 2001, pp. 24-31.
[21] International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), Case No. ICTR-96-4-T, 11 February 1997, p. 5.
[22] MAMDANI Mahmood, When Victims Become Killers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda, Princeton University Press, 2001, pp. 78-82.
[23] International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICRR), Case No. ICTR-96-4-T, Judgment and Sentence, 2 September 1998, § 567.
[24] Ivi, § 453.
[25] United Nations, Rwanda Tribunal Hands Down Life Sentence for Crimes of Genocide Committed by Former Rwandan Prime Minister, Press Release AFR/95 L/2898, 4 September 1998.
[26] FANON Frantz, Black Skin, White Masks, Grove Press, 1952, Chapter 1.
References
ARENDT Hannah, The Origins of Totalitarianism, Harcourt, 1973, pp. 158-160.
CHRÉTIEN Jean Pierre, The Great Lakes of Africa: Two Thousand Years of History, Zone Books, 2003, pp. 315-360
DES FORGES Alison, Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda, Human Rights Watch, 1999, pp. 1-50.
FANON Frantz, Black Skin, White Masks, Grove Press, 1952, Chapter 1.
GOULD Stephen Jay, The Mismeasure of Man, W. W. Norton & Company, 1981, pp. 50- 57.
LEMARCHAND René, Rwanda and Burundi, Praeger, 1970, pp. 12-50.
MAMDANI Mahmood, When Victims Become Killers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda, Princeton University Press, 2001, pp. 24-82.
PRUNIER Gérard, The Rwanda Crisis: Hisory of a Genocide, Columbia University Press, 1995, pp. 42-65.
SAID Edward W., Orientalism, Pantheon Books, New York, 1978, pp. 25-45.
VANSINA Jan, Antecedents to Modern Rwanda: The Nyiginya Kingdom, University of Wisconsin Press, 1985, pp. 50-70.
International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), Case No. ICTR-96-4-T, 11 February 1997, p. 5.
International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), Case No. ICTR-96-4-T, Judgment, 2 September 1998, § 82, 453-570, 567.
United Nations, Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, 1948, art. 2.
United Nations, Rwanda Tribunal Hands Down Life Sentence for Crimes of Genocide Committed by Former Rwandan Prime Minister, Press Release AFR/95 L/2898, 4 September 1998.
